July 22, 2021No Comments

From Geopolitics to Geoeconomics: The Importance of Economic Strategy and the Case of China

By: Riccardo Bosticco

World order dynamics and world order itself have changed substantially in the last thirty years. The evolution of it derives from those dynamics that determine the way it works. This article will discuss the specific case of China. 

Nowadays, military conflicts are mostly concentrated in least-developed areas, whilst western and eastern major countries exited the logic of the Cold War - when balance and peace were possible mainly thanks to military deterrence. From those times, conflicts have been substituted by other means of states’ competition. From the ‘90s onwards, commerce has displaced war - as pioneer Edward N. Luttwak states -, with economic and financial capital in place of firepower, civilian innovation instead of military technological progress, and economic incursion rather than military bases building. These are the new tools employed by states to grow their power and spread their influence, and of course, the elements that can explain the relationships among international actors. The logic of war has to be read through the grammar of commerce, but do these new means serve the same interests as artillery pieces used to before? 

Especially among the theorists of interdependence, many believe that the growing importance of industrial and financial entities and economics as the lens through which to understand international relations would imply a shift from “world politics” to “world business”, thus reducing warlike escalations. However, they are still the states that can extract and regulate economic resources; and they are still territorial authorities. In these terms, we can understand geoeconomics: an evolution, and not a revolution, of geopolitics. 

To better conceive this evolution, definitions are of some help. Geoeconomics can be considered applied research, and it can be understood as both an analysis and practice by states and businesses. It is an interdisciplinary subject including geopolitical features, strategic analysis and foresight, and economic intelligence. Saying geoeconomics is an evolution of geopolitics does not mean that the latter disappeared. The relationship between economics and power ever existed throughout history indeed. As an example, starting from the XI century, Venice became a powerful geoeconomics actor. It built its considerable power not flexing muscles, but presenting itself as a strong diplomatic and trading power, mastering advanced naval technologies and using economic espionage. 

More precisely, Soilen defines geoeconomics as “the study of spatial, cultural, and strategic aspects of resources, with the aim of gaining a sustainable competitive advantage”. It is different from geopolitics under two aspects: for the topic, since it focuses on economic means and not military or political; and for the actors, because it does not look only to individuals representing the state, its institutions, or the state as a whole, but to individuals who conduct relevant economic activities, corporations and other national and non-national institutions operating in the economic field. Despite this, they remain very similar to each other. Indeed, they both study how certain instruments can serve national purposes. Strategy is “where we define an optimal plan for our organizational or institutional objectives” SOILEN -1). In a world where war is banned, civilian technology is more strategic than a bomb. 

This means that those actors with hands over new technologies are more inclined to gain additional power and influence. China figured it out during its economic global ascendance and engaged to “master core technologies” in any imaginable area. If from the 80s to the mid-2000s, China’s economic policy was to encourage foreign direct investments in the country through often unfair incentives and advantages to investors; from 2006, China turned to “China Inc” and began promoting “indigenous innovation”, freezing the pursuit of international investments.

Published in 2006, the “MLP”, standing for “The Guidelines for the Implementation of the National Medium- and Long-term Program for Science and Technology Development (2006-2020)” stressed the need to “create an environment for encouraging innovation independently, promote enterprises to become the main body of making technological innovation and strive to build an innovative-type country.” Thus, today’s Chinese economic policy can be considered a long-term oriented pattern focused on the welfare of internal producers. In other words, what China has adopted is a mercantilist set of policies aimed at defeating non-Chinese competitors.

Why is geoeconomics important? Because the means are financial and industrial, and the strategy is mainly territorial. The main example of Chinese current economic policy? The Belt and Road Initiative. For this to be realized, the geographical dimension is vital. In particular, infrastructures in South and Southeast Asia are crucial since they are key to the connectivity envisioned by BRI. These countries are the most likely to allow Chinese naval bases or to serve as strategic pivots for commercial and military needs. This would let China build strong regional power at the first stage, and expand its activities then. Therefore, one might argue that geoeconomics is the evolution of geopolitics and that geoeconomics could serve geopolitical interests. Indeed, the BRI aims to build linkages with other countries and regions through investments, infrastructures, opening corridors, and connecting with them “physically, financially, digitally, and socially”.  


In conclusion, the growing importance of economic connections and tools in this technological era makes it the new paradigm to intend power in the XXI century. Wars have been marginalized, and thereby governments ought to find a new way to propagate their power. Notwithstanding, territorial dynamics still play significant roles, even in times of faster communications and digital transactions. This is the case of China, a growing “territorial ruler” with global ambitions that offers advantageous economic opportunities to bring other countries in its orbit while expanding its own economic, diplomatic, and military projections of power.

May 24, 20212 Comments

On Counterespionage and missed Opportunities: The Biot Case (English and Italiano)

By: Maria Chiara Aquilino and Alessio Moroni.

The Biot case, which has had wide resonance in the Italian as well as in the international media landscape, has generated multiple questions about how the Italian intelligence services have operated. While many of these have been deeply discussed, the alternative roads that might have been taken by the secret services to tackle the case have not been dealt with in-depth. Hence, this article aims to shed light on the missed opportunity for Italy to exploit the case to pursue counterespionage practices which would have allowed the official to become a false deserter selling fake intelligence to the Russian spy. The research on the case was conducted by reaching out to notable professors in the field and asking for their point of view. Thanks to their analysis, the piece attempts to understand if the aforementioned scenario could have been feasible. 

Throughout the debate with the experts, what emerged was that the counterespionage action was hypothesized by some. Indeed, this was the case of Professor Tiberio Graziani, Chairman of Vision and Global Trends at the International Institute for Global Analyses: ‘In the opaque landscape that plays in the background of the espionage and counterespionage operations everything is possible, even that the Biot case was actually a sophisticated way to sneak the Italian official in the alleged spy network of the Russian Federation located in our country. According to this idea, Biot would have been presented as a false deserter, whose objective was to provide fake intelligence, or truthful information, yet not too vital neither for the national security, nor for NATO allies, so as to confuse the Russian intelligence services, while validating the Italian official as pro-Russia agent.

Yet, something doesn’t sound right. Indeed, the scarceness of the money offered, ROS intervention, the mediatisation of the affair’s discovery and of actors’ arrests, even of the naïve declarations made by the official’s wife released to the press on his capture suggest that behind the case lies something else. 

What makes the episode even less clear is in fact the mediatisation of it. Normally, these kinds of episodes are kept away from the media, yet this was not the case. However, the event surely served as a chance for the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to underscore the nation’s loyalty to NATO.’

On the contrary, a notable Italian analyst in the field has claimed that such a hypothesis would have proved to be unfeasible from a geopolitical perspective. ‘The Italian government seemed mainly interested in giving a twofold signal. On one side, the effectiveness and loyalty to Atlanticism. On the other, making a gesture to push for more cautiousness while keeping the dialogue with Russia alive. Therefore, no counterespionage effort could have led to the same results. Actually, it may be possible that Biot’s attempt to share our intelligence has been facilitated.’ 

In between these two viewpoints stands Professor Mario Caligiuri, President of the Società Italiana di Intelligence. When interviewed, he stated that both pathways could have been taken, yet due to a costs and benefits analysis, the second choice was preferred. Moreover, this claim is further developed in his article on the geopolitical web magazine Formiche, where he argues: ‘Espionage is a primary international actor and as others it is subjected to a mediatisation process. It has always existed and nowadays spies are more fundamental than ever as one fights in a fluid and undefined scenario, where the war on information with the aim to conquer minds has become crucial. […] The circumstances confirm how geostrategic interests always see Russia opposed to the United States. It is not by chance that in the US there is a strong geopolitical school of thought that is still considering Russia the chief enemy, even before China. This is because while the latter represents an economic adversary, the former is actually a military one.’ He then concludes with a stance less focused on geopolitics, but eventually more concerned about the whole mediatisation processes that cases like this undergo: ‘Services must constantly legitimize their purpose, above all when operating abroad, thus sometimes they could value as meaningful some small operations that could be ultimately amplified and embellish reporting for the headquarters.’(Caligiuri, 2021).

By exploring the current debate around the potential opportunity for Italy to deliver counterespionage activities, what ultimately emerged is that overall a strong feeling of geopolitical hostility between the Atlantic Alliance and Russia would not allow the pursuit of such a strategy. However, given the uncertainty of details that still casts a shadow on the case, the idea of counterespionage practices does not seem to be unfeasible. Indeed, the analysis offered turns the potential missed opportunity into a likely hypothesis, which is yet hidden by secrecy. As a result, one may eventually be led to think that a counterespionage plan of action has been covertly implemented by Italy, in order to handle the case and exploit the occasion at its best. This way, not only would Italy confirm his Atlanticist stance on the international level, but it would have also benefited from having cleverly sneaked one of its spies in the Russian intelligence network.

Italiano:

Il caso Biot, che ha avuto un'ampia risonanza nel panorama mediatico italiano e internazionale, ha generato molteplici domande su come i servizi segreti italiani abbiano operato. Mentre molte di queste sono state discusse a fondo, le strade alternative che avrebbero potuto essere intraprese dai servizi segreti per affrontare il caso non sono state affrontate in modo adeguato. Quindi, questo articolo mira a far luce sull'opportunità persa dall'Italia di sfruttare il caso per perseguire pratiche di controspionaggio. In questo modo, il funzionario avrebbe potuto essere trasformato in un falso disertore che vendeva informazioni false alla spia russa. 

La ricerca sul caso è stata condotta contattando importanti professori del settore, chiedendo il loro punto di vista. Grazie alla loro analisi, il pezzo ha cercato di capire se il suddetto scenario avrebbe potuto essere effettivamente realizzabile. 

Durante il dibattito con gli esperti, è emerso che l'azione di controspionaggio è stata effettivamente ipotizzata da alcuni. È il caso, infatti, del professor Tiberio Graziani, Chairman del Vision and Global Trends presso Institute for Global Analyses: "Nel panorama opaco che gioca sullo sfondo delle operazioni di spionaggio e controspionaggio tutto è possibile, anche che il caso Biot fosse in realtà un modo sofisticato per infilare il funzionario italiano nella presunta rete spionistica della Federazione Russa situata nel nostro Paese". Secondo questa idea, Biot sarebbe stato presentato come un falso disertore, il cui obiettivo sarebbe stato quello di fornire informazioni false, o veritiere, ma non troppo vitali né per la sicurezza nazionale, né per gli alleati della NATO, in modo da confondere i servizi segreti russi, convalidando il funzionario italiano come agente pro-Russia.

Eppure, qualcosa non quadra. Infatti, la scarsità del denaro offerto, l'intervento del ROS, la mediatizzazione della scoperta dell'affare e degli arresti degli attori, persino le ingenue dichiarazioni della moglie del funzionario rilasciate alla stampa al momento della sua cattura fanno pensare che dietro il caso si nasconda altro. 

Ciò che rende l'episodio ancora meno chiaro è infatti la sua mediatizzazione. Normalmente, questo tipo di episodi viene tenuto lontano dai media, ma non è stato questo il caso. Tuttavia, l'evento è sicuramente servito al Ministero degli Esteri italiano per sottolineare la fedeltà della nazione alla NATO".

Al contrario, un notevole analista italiano del settore ha sostenuto che una tale ipotesi si sarebbe rivelata irrealizzabile dal punto di vista geopolitico. 'Il governo italiano sembrava principalmente interessato a dare un duplice segnale. Da un lato, l'efficacia e la fedeltà all'atlantismo. Dall'altro, fare un gesto per spingere a una maggiore cautela mantenendo vivo il dialogo con la Russia. Pertanto, nessuno sforzo di controspionaggio avrebbe potuto portare agli stessi risultati. In realtà, è possibile che il tentativo di Biot di condividere la nostra intelligence sia stato facilitato". 

Tra questi due punti di vista si colloca il professor Mario Caligiuri, presidente della Società Italiana di Intelligence. Intervistato, ha dichiarato che si sarebbero potute percorrere entrambe le strade, ma a causa di un'analisi dei costi e dei benefici, è stata preferita la seconda scelta. Inoltre, questa affermazione è ulteriormente sviluppata nel suo articolo sulla rivista web di geopolitica Formiche, dove ha sostenuto che: 'Lo spionaggio è un attore internazionale primario e come gli altri è sottoposto a un processo di mediatizzazione. È sempre esistito e oggi le spie sono più che mai fondamentali perché si combatte in uno scenario fluido e indefinito, dove la guerra all'informazione con l'obiettivo di conquistare le menti è diventata cruciale. [...] Le circostanze confermano come gli interessi geostrategici vedano sempre la Russia opposta agli Stati Uniti. Non è un caso che negli Stati Uniti esista una forte scuola di pensiero geopolitico che continua a considerare la Russia il principale nemico, ancor prima della Cina. Questo perché mentre quest'ultima rappresenta un avversario economico, la prima è in realtà un avversario militare". Conclude poi con una posizione meno incentrata sulla geopolitica, ma alla fine più preoccupata dell'intero processo di mediatizzazione che casi come questo subiscono: "I servizi devono costantemente legittimare il loro scopo, soprattutto quando operano all'estero, quindi a volte potrebbero valutare come significative alcune piccole operazioni che potrebbero essere alla fine amplificate e abbellire il reporting per il quartier generale" (Caligiuri, 2021). 

Esplorando l'attuale dibattito intorno alla potenziale opportunità per l'Italia di svolgere attività di controspionaggio, ciò che alla fine è emerso è che nel complesso un forte sentimento di ostilità geopolitica tra l'Alleanza Atlantica e la Russia non permetterebbe il perseguimento di una tale strategia. Tuttavia, data l'incertezza dei dettagli che ancora getta un'ombra sul caso, l'idea di pratiche di controspionaggio non sembra essere irrealizzabile. Infatti, l'analisi offerta trasforma la potenziale occasione mancata in un'ipotesi probabile, che è ancora nascosta dal segreto. Di conseguenza, si potrebbe alla fine essere portati a pensare che un piano d'azione di controspionaggio sia stato attuato segretamente dall'Italia, per gestire il caso e sfruttare al meglio l'occasione. In questo modo, non solo l'Italia avrebbe confermato la sua posizione atlantista a livello internazionale, ma avrebbe anche tratto vantaggio dall'aver abilmente intrufolato una sua spia nella rete dell'intelligence russa.