December 28, 2021No Comments

The Restitution of Cultural Objects to African Countries: New Form of Decolonisation?

By:  Alessandra Gramolini.

Image Source: https://www.artnews.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/9990784m-e1576519278387.jpg

Between the end of 2018 and the beginning of 2019, the debate on cultural decolonization processes resumed. This is an expression by which we mean the return, to the countries of origin, of works of art and objects stolen in times of conquest or colonialism. With increasing insistence, there has been talk of ways, laws and times for returning works preserved in Europe to their countries of origin.

The protection of African cultural heritage

Almost 90% of Africa's heritage is outside the continent, in particular, 80-90% of it can be found in European museums. African countries have had to face the problem of the removal of cultural properties from the continent to other parts of the world over many decades and perhaps centuries. The end of colonization has witnessed the repatriation of cultural objects from the colonial powers to the colonized countries. Examples include return of objects by Belgium to Democratic Republic of Congo, by the Netherlands to Indonesia, and by Australia and New Zealand to Papua New Guinea. The process involved in the restitution of cultural properties is usually difficult and long. Negotiation for the return of the Makonde Mask to Tanzania, for example, lasted 20 years. While other stolen memorials were returned to Kenya from the United States after 22 years. After almost 70 and 30 years Rome returned the Obelisk of Aksum to Ethiopia, and the Monument to the Lion of Judah.

Africa’s cultural heritage has attracted and will continue to attract great interest from all over the world. Each Member State needs to have a national strategy that needs to be integrated as well in new  opportunities for international cooperation.

Changing mindsets throughout Europe

In recent years it is possible to find a strong global debate about the rightful place of cultural objects. One after another Western countries began to announce the return of cultural property to the countries of origin. Just a few months ago there was the return to Ethiopia of ten important artifacts from the Battle of Maqdala, looted by British troops during the punitive expedition in 1868. Governments themselves are starting to take actions regarding the matter of long-ago acquired artifacts, many of which are now held in public museums. Nanette Snoep, anthropologist and curator from the Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum in Cologne, said, “museums and politicians have become aware of the fact that it is really necessary to decolonize museums, and decolonizing also means restitution.”

United Kingdom

Last summer, the British Scheherazade Foundation got the Maqdala artifacts back and handed them over to the Ethiopian ambassador to the UK. The list of artifacts includes a handwritten Ethiopian religious text, crosses, and an imperial shield. They represent only a small part of the many precious Ethiopian objects that the English army stole after the Battle of Maqdala in 1868. The ambassador Teferi Melesse, during the restitution ceremony declared that Maqdala was still an open wound for them. The Maqdala objects, treasures, or artifacts represent a possibility for the Ethiopians to mourn and process what they lost. Also in a statement, Alula Pankhurst, a member of Ethiopia’s National Heritage Restitution Committee, calls the objects’ restitution the “single most significant heritage restitution in Ethiopia’s history.”

Germany

In April this year Germany reached a deal to return to Nigeria Benin Bronzes next year. These ancient works of art were looted in the 19th century and are currently on display in German museums. The developments in recent months are themselves the cumulative result of many years of difficult discussions and negotiations. The first formal request for the return of artifacts looted during the 1897 raid was made in 1936 by the Oba of Benin. The Benin Court and the Nigerian government then sought to secure the return of the Benin antiquities on various occasions since Nigeria's independence in 1960. In 2010 a multilateral international collaborative working group, known as the Benin Dialogue Group, was formed. The members are representatives of Western museums together with  delegates of the Nigerian Government, the Royal Court of Benin, and the Nigerian National Commission for Museums and Monuments. Its objectives are cooperation between museums that possess Nigerian cultural heritage in Western countries and the return of illegally obtained works of art, including the Benin Bronzes.

The engagement of these entities have been really important in the context of recent events. 

In 2019, during a meeting of the group, the members decided to plan the establishment of a new museum to house the Bronzes. After this the Legacy Restoration Trust was founded to develop the new museum, the Edo Museum of West African Art. It has the goal to highlight, rediscover and protect the history and the cultural heritage of West African culture. So for now the German government and the Nigerian National Commission for Museums and Monuments have signed a memorandum of understanding for the restitution of the artifacts of the royal palace of Benin. The agreement provides for the signing of a contract to be signed by the end of the year. It will transfer ownership of the Benin bronzes from German museums to Nigeria in the second quarter of 2022.

France

In 2017, French President Macron, during a visit to the Ki-Zerbo University of Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso), declared his commitment to make possible, within five years, the conditions for the temporary or permanent restitution of African heritage in France. This led to the report by Felwine Sarr and Bénédicte Savoy who, on the official request of the president, on 23 November 2018 presented a long report on the French government's decision to return the works claimed by the Benin authorities. To make refunds possible, the French Parliament approved a law on 24 December 2020 that allows for derogations from the principle of inalienability of objects that are part of state collections. Underlying this commitment is the idea that Africans should have access to their heritage in Africa. The 26 objects from the royal treasures of the Danhomé kingdom and taken by the French during the Benin colonization war of 1890-1894 were on display at the Musée du Quai Branly in Paris for a week, from 26 to 31 October. They have now been officially returned from France to Benin. The return of the works to Benin represents an important precedent that could soon lead to the conclusion of new returns from other European countries and beyond.

Restitution step by step

The hope is that this trend will continue in order to focus more on this form of  decolonization, and this regardless of the requests for restitution by the countries of origin. It is not just a question of returning artifacts, but rather of recognizing the fact that countries, regions and communities of origin have the right to manage and preserve these artifacts. For all the parties involved it is a question of working in favor of a new shape and a new orientation of the museum, which is more permeable to external interest groups and which takes on wider social functions. To achieve this, close collaboration, exchange and knowledge transfer in both directions are required.

November 30, 2021No Comments

In Conversation with Funmi Onolisakin on Education policies of the new generations in Africa

The “International system & World order - Africa” interviews Funmi Onolisakin from the King’s College in London. She is Vice President (Global Engagement) and Professor of Security, Leadership and Development at King’s. She is a founding member of the African Leadership Centre, She also worked in the Office of the UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict. Funmi Onolisakin talks about the role of the African youth, the influences of the foreign countries, and the decisions that African politics should make in order to improve their future.

Interviewing Team: Michele Tallarini and Alessandra Gramolini.

November 5, 2021No Comments

RENEWABLE ENERGY IN AFRICA: CAN THE FUTURE BE “GREEN”?

By: Michele Tallarini

Image Source: https://africabusinesscommunities.com/news/african-development-bank-offers-technical-assistance-for-development-of-mini-green-energy-grids-in-guinea/

Development and energy sources in Africa

Africa is one of the fastest-growing continents in the world: according to some of the latest reports its population will double by 2050, and it will represent over 50% of the global demographic growth. According to these predictions, 2,5 billion people are expected to live on the continent, and by mid-century 25% of people will be African. Moreover, the continent, whose average age is 19, is extremely young and dynamic. This data is estimated to grow to 26 within thirty years, making African youth ten times larger than that of Europe by 2050.

It is not hard to understand how such dynamism will make Africa a prominent player in global development, and one of the most active markets worldwide. In a context which is already an area of interest to international powers, the continent will increasingly become an equal partner to Western countries.

Given the difference in wealth and development between different African countries and regions, the actual growth rates are generally not accompanied by the reinforcement of services and infrastructure. About 600 million African people do not have access to electricity while around 900 million people lack access to clean cooking (IEA Africa Energy Outlook 2019). The near-future increase of the African population will exacerbate the situation, pushing millions of people to demand access to energy and facilities. How African governments will respond to these requests will be a crucial issue. 

In particular, the energy supply is, and will be, a key point of African development. Governments will have to be able to provide access to electricity to their whole population, supporting local, national, and continental development. In this framework, renewable energy sources could play a pivotal role in African energy self-sufficiency and sustainable development. But how can green energy be implemented in African production chains? And what is the current situation in this field?

The role of green energy in Africa

Energy consumption in Africa is characterized by a high level of disparity: South Africa, together with North African countries, cover more than 70% of the entire energy consumption of the continent, while a Sub-Saharan urban citizen uses only 200 kWh per year on average (North Africa 1442 kWh/year, South Africa 4148 kWh/year). This fragmentation gives a snapshot of the unequal development of the continent, particularly in a strategic sector such as the energy industry. It also represents a significant issue for an equal development of the continent and for “the pan-African drive for unity, self-determination, freedom, progress and collective prosperity pursued under Pan-Africanism and African Renaissance” (African Union, Agenda 2063). 

At present, renewable energy only accounts for 2% of the total production, confirming the backwardness in this field (45% of the total energy is sourced from biomass burning, typically used by people who lack access to clean cooking systems). Of these renewable energies, hydroelectric power is the most used (74% of the total), as large dams represent strategic infrastructures in several regions, and their construction is heavily promoted at an international level. Unfortunately, regardless of this, fossil fuels still make up the majority of the share, prompting several African countries to even import it from abroad.

As stated earlier this situation contributes to Africa’s slow and unequal development, notwithstanding its potential in the fields of solar and aeolian energy. Currently, South Africa, Morocco, and Egypt are the major solar energy producers whereas Kenya, and Senegal dominate in the production of wind energy. Still, green energy is under-exploited despite the continent’s possibilities. For instance, solar radiation in North Africa is 3 times higher than the European average, and the Saharan Desert alone could accommodate a great number of solar power plants. Wind energy could also be effectively produced and harnessed in many African areas.

There are many economic, logistical, and political reasons for this underdevelopment. The construction of any kind of renewable energy plant requires large investments, and a network of efficient infrastructure to guarantee widespread distribution. Green energy production also requires high knowledge and trained personnel at all levels, such as design, construction, maintenance and so on. In most cases, African countries do not have the economic resources and the know-how to pursue it alone, thus relying on foreign investments in the sector which finance and oversee construction of new energy plants. 

In addition, the lack of infrastructures in large parts of the continent, especially in rural areas, represents a serious obstacle to the development of a high efficiency energy grid capable of distributing electrical power and to allow countries to reach a homogeneous and effective progress. Moreover, the lack of facilities which lead to, for instance, limited mobility in certain areas, would make the maintenance of the energy grids extremely difficult. Therefore, green energy expansion in Africa is realized mainly through small-scale implants that can ensure electricity supply to small villages or limited areas, which are low-cost and easily maintainable. Although this configuration can actually support the development of poor rural areas that have no access to electricity, it no longer appears to be a sustainable way to strengthen African growth and to reinforce its international role. 

Lastly, the political instability of many African countries is a severe threat to the establishment of a modern energy network in the continent. Conflicts drain state funds, making the construction and management of energy infrastructures very difficult. Moreover, political agendas of unstable governments do not focus on the strengthening of energy independence of their countries. 

Green energy in Africa: a geo-political issue 

Despite all these obstacles, the International Energy Agency (IEA) claims that green energies will represent one of the main development factors for African countries. In its 2019 Africa Energy Outlook it foresees that by 2040 more than 60% of the total electricity production will come from renewable sources. Although the speed of that growth is uncertain, scenarios agree that technologies related to wind and solar energy will be those that will be developed more, pushing green energy production up to 40% of the total. This expansion has both economic and political consequences; electricity cuts, and inefficiency in distribution in general, represent a big issue especially in African cities. Indeed, many of the latest clashes in North Africa cities were generated by protests on the lack of energy. For instance, last year clashes in Libya were triggered by electricity outages. Similarly, power absence in Sinai generated discontent, subsequently providing opportunity to terrorist groups to increase their influence in the region.

There is no doubt that a higher production at national level could allow Africa to achieve a more equal development. To this end, renewable energies could give the continent a new international role as energy provider, by also supporting the increase of its population, and the resulting rise of new consumers, markets and needs. Moreover, considering African population rates, a green change could have beneficial effects on global warming too, which represents one of the main challenges of the next few years. That is why Western countries, whose role is crucial for an African Green Deal, should promote international investments, training, transfer of knowledge and, more in general, development aid and support to local Governments.

October 8, 2021No Comments

South Africa strategies in the international arena: is it an “atypical” African country?

The “International system & World order - Africa” interviews Riaan Eksteen from the University of Johannesburg. Mr Eksteen has been a member of the South African Foreign Service for 27 years and he served at the South African embassy in Washington, D.C. He was also Ambassador and Head of Mission at the UN New York, Namibia, Geneva, and Turkey. Riaan Eksteen talks about the international role of South Africa in the BRICS, with the new US administration, and the African Union.

Interviewers: Michele Tallarini and Rebecca Pedemonte

June 17, 2021No Comments

How the Criminalisation of Homosexuality affects Migration Patterns from Africa

By: Rebecca Pedemonte

In 2018 I started a University research based on a series of interviews with individuals that had migrated from West African countries. The results showed that the fear of being persecuted based on sexual orientation is one of the many reasons why migrants decide to leave their country. In particular, one of the interviewees from Gambia reported that being considered a homosexual by the community could endanger his physical safety in his country.  

This evidence raises significant questions on discrimination against individuals of the LGBTQ+ community, although the International Community rarely discusses it. How much can these discriminations against individuals belonging to the LGBTQ+ community affect the choice to migrate from their country of origin? Such stigmatization derives from prevailing social and cultural norms, impregnated with intolerance and prejudices, and also, from national laws that reflect this kind of attitudes. Therefore, it is also significant to note how widespread are the provisions that criminalise the individuals from the said community within the African territory. 

According to the 2020 Report, published by the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association, nowadays there are still many laws of African States that criminalize homosexual or transgender people. According to the laws in Mauritania, Somalia and part of Nigeria, anyone identified as belonging to the LGBTQ+ community can be given the death penalty. In the Central African area, such as in Sierra Leone, Gambia, part of Nigeria, Sudan, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Malawi and Zambia, the individuals can be served with a prison sentence of a minimum of eleven years up to life imprisonment. In other eighteen states, most of which are located in the Maghreb area and in West Africa, homosexuality is sanctioned with periods of imprisonment that can vary from 1 month to eight years. 

On May 23rd, in Senegal, where currently the sexual act between homosexuals is punished with five years of imprisonment, hundreds of protesters took to the streets of Dakar, demanding the legitimacy of homophobia. It has been stated that they "want to promote correct social values". This emphasizes the fact that often it is the communities themselves that perpetuate these discriminations.

However, in some countries of the continent, the State’s law does not provide regulatory provisions or sanctions against homosexuality. However, according to numerous reports from NGOs, such as Amnesty International, it has been revealed the presence of multiple realities in which homosexuality is criminalized de facto; through persecution by government authorities or, even, by members of the communities themselves. This is what happens, for example, in Egypt, where torture and illegal detention of homosexuals are widely practiced. For all other countries of the continent, no verified criminalization is foreseen, but similarly, no protection or defence is envisaged within their laws either.

At the regulatory level, the only country that recognizes protection against LGBTQ+ people is South Africa. However, there are discrepancies between what is sanctioned by law and what happens in everyday life. 

Nonetheless, it has to be considered that in some areas of the continent, particularly in rural areas, the collection of data about these persecutions is highly complex. Therefore, there is no truthful information in many countries, or it is the State that does not want to collect and submit them to International Organizations. Consequently, several gray areas remain regarding the presence or absence of legislation that criminalize homosexuality within the African continent. For these reasons, it is difficult to structure a realistic mapping on the percentages of persecuted people for their sexual orientation. This detection appears even harder if we consider the percentage of people who emigrated from their country of origin out of fear of being persecuted. The data collection has been worsened by the general trend of the commissions for asylum-seekers to not publish the reasons for the recognition of international protection.

A note issued by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) specified that sexual orientation must be considered in the definition of “refugee,” along with gender identity. Specifically, it is a motivation that can affect the individual's well-founded fear of being persecuted. The 1951 Geneva Refugee Convention did not include these factors in the original essay formulation. Due to this Note to the 1967 Protocol of the Convention, people who have experienced discrimination or violence because of their sexual orientation may require international protection.   

Although it is difficult to define the exact number, UNHCR states that among the ten largest nationalities for asylum requests in 2016, eight have very harsh legislation against homosexuals and transgender people. 

Furthermore, it is important to underline the plurality of discriminations that a person belonging to the LGBTQ+ community suffers from and how little is this considered in the collective imaginary, especially in asylum and governmental policies.

It may appear that the governments are reluctant in setting up centers that might help and support the LGBTQ+ community. Even in countries with less stringent laws, it is difficult to do because of the prevailing community norms. Consequently, the person who migrates because of abuses and physical, sexual or verbal discrimination is forced to undergo the same degrading treatments and get low protection throughout the migratory path and, most probably, also in its aftermath.

The Covid-19 pandemic outbreak certainly did not improve the situation and contributed to increasing the vulnerability of this community. Given the status quo that provides ground for discrimination and little protection, there is an imminent need to revisit existing laws and enforce governmental and private programs to expand protection systems on field and defend victims from abuses. Raising awareness within the communities, building and establishing suitable centers on the territory, and volunteers' training are all fundamental factors that may change these human rights violations.